Please Leave in an Orderly Fashion

This article is published in Milltown Studies No 67 Summer 2011 pg 85-118

Please Leave in an Orderly Fashion


Alan Hilliard*


Growing up as a member of the Catholic Community in Dublin in the seventies, I was familiar with the term ‘rapidly expanding diocese.’ The phrase was coined by the late Archbishop of Dublin, Dr Dermot Ryan. Dublin was growing; areas such as Tallaght, Clondalkin, Swords, Lucan and Bray were undergoing major development and growth. In fact, Dublin promoted itself as the fastest growing Catholic Diocese in Europe.

This paper is not about the Archdiocese of Dublin. The reference to Dublin is made to highlight the transition from a church that was growing rapidly a few decades ago to one that is now in decline. This overview of the church in Dublin in the 1970s and 80s is significant if we are to understand the present. While members of the church in Dublin may respond emotively to the term ‘organisation in decline,’ it is important to point out that one of the main proponents marking the declining nature of the church is the present Archbishop of Dublin, Dr Diarmuid Martin. In various addresses, he specifies that certain parishes have a practice rate of 3%.[1]

The German Catholic Church has also experienced decline since revelations of clerical child sexual abuse have come to the fore. Recording membership of the Catholic Church in Germany is an easier exercise than it is in most other jurisdictions, owing to the ‘Church Tax’ (Kirchensteuer) which is collected alongside the regular state tax and redistributed to the various religious organsiations and churches of those people from whom the tax is collected. According to the weekly Die Zeit newspaper and based on the number of people who have indicated that they no longer want their ‘Church Tax’ to go to the Catholic Church, about 180,000 Catholics officially ended their church affiliation in 2010, a rise of 50,000 (or 40%) from 2009.[2]

It is the aim of this paper, which is written from a social policy perspective, to identify a framework within which one can investigate, examine and name the present realties at play in the organisational decline of the church with a view to further identifying ways in which this decline can be addressed and even reversed.


G. Bouma defines social policy in terms of

“Efforts to control, organise or direct the shape and operation of a society
designed to achieve particular ends usually seen to be making things better for the society and its people.”[3]

Seeking to make things better for society and its peoples is not at odds with the mission of the Catholic Church. The Second Vatican Council’s Pastoral constitution of the Church in the Modern World, Gaudium et Spes, states:

Throughout the course of the centuries, men have laboured to better the circumstances of their lives through a monumental amount of individual and collective effort. To believers, this point is settled: considered in itself, this human activity accords with God’s will.[4]

Finding a framework of understanding that helps to address many of the dynamics that contribute to the decline of organisations is a difficult exercise. Frameworks have a useful purpose, one of which is to allow society to stand in the midst of a decline without being overcome by the various aspects of that decline. Furthermore a framework provides a space to hold opposing ideas in place while being able to continue to function. Finally, a framework means that “One should … be able to see that things are hopeless and yet be determined to make them otherwise.”[5] A perspective such as the one proposed in this study can offer positive support to an organisation committed to recovery and identify further elements requiring remedial action.

In the absence of an expansive framework such as the one already described, a person could be forced to rely on empirical methodologies or the more traditional propositional approaches. Empirical evidence alone, highlighting number and kind, limits opportunities to explore the nature of motivations and mindsets which, when properly analysed and understood, can assist the work of remediation and re-visioning. At the other end of the spectrum, we can often try to place the events outlined in these reports into one overarching theory that can leave us academically smug but a good bit distant from reality.

While offering a framework as a means of exploring the present circumstances in the Irish Catholic Church, one is aware that the mission and the organisational map of the Catholic Church cannot be reduced to a ‘framework.’ The organisational nature of the Church is far greater than can be captured by any one theory or framework. This paper seeks only to give insights that address the present experience of decline within the current Irish context.




A possible framework worthy of consideration is one proposed by Albert O. Hirschman in his seminal work, Exit, Voice and Loyalty: Responses to Decline in Firms, Organisations and States.[6] Written from an economic perspective, this work considers how firms react to a decline in market share.

Hirschman is primarily an economist, who spent much of his working life focusing on economic development in South America. This work convinced him that the remediation of economic recessions was beyond the scope of monetary policy alone. The problem of what he termed a “slack economy” was due to a range of causes, including poor management practices, the existence of monopolies, inefficient use of resources, regulatory failures and mismanagement.[7] In summary, he believed that “No matter how well a society’s basic institutions are devised, a failure of some actors to live up to the behaviour which is expected of them is bound to occur, if only for all kinds of accidental reasons.”[8]

Hirschman’s theory is not so much a finished book but an ongoing research programme,[9] which is proving to be a useful resource in the world of social science. The framework “offers a middle range approach in the continuum between empiricism and grand theories.”[10] Hess values the “middle-range approach”[11] provided by Hirschman and, in particular, the theories ability to “stand within” that which one is critiquing while at the same time creating an “analytical realm” from which one can overview a particular system.

In the sections that follow, I will consider Hirschman’s framework in three phases: a brief overview of Hirschman’s framework; developments of this framework; and, finally, variables that influence the framework.


Hirschman’s basic principle is that people who are unhappy with a good or service can exercise a number of choices. They can choose not to buy the good or service finding another supplier who provides the same or a similar good or service that they are satisfied with (exit). Alternatively they can seek to change the situation by voicing their concerns and dissatisfaction (voice). They can also choose not to exit from the provider of the good or service, choosing not to give voice to their dissatisfaction while remaining loyal to the goods or service on offer (loyalty).

In summary, his initial work argues that an individual has a choice between exit and non-exit, (leaving or staying) and between voice and silence (activity and participation or inactivity or non-participation);[12] these decisions can be tempered by loyalty. From an organisational point of view, decline can be arrested to the extent that exit or voice brings about change.


In order to chart the development and additions to Hirschman’s framework this study will show a number of contributory developments to the concepts of exit, voice and loyalty (EVL). An overall addition to the framework emerged in the application of Hirschman’s framework to human relationships. This addition is termed “neglect.” The terms exit, voice, loyalty and neglect will be jointly referred to as the EVLN framework


Hirschman’s initial understanding of exit reflected a decision by a customer not to purchase a good because they were experiencing a growing dissatisfaction with that good or they were unhappy with an increase in the price of that good. The person then switched their allegiance to another good. Hirschman’s interest was less with the consumer of the good and more with the provider. He believes that the action of an individual or a number of individuals over time constitutes a signal to the provider of that good.

The actual act of exiting is predicated by actively searching for possible alternatives. Regarding employment, the hours spent deliberating over ‘should I stay or should I go’ and considering ‘what are my alternatives’ are indications that one is unhappy with an organisation. In terms of dissatisfaction, they are as significant as the act of leaving. The research of Withey and Cooper found a number of variables that influenced those who choose to exit.[13] These include the following: calculating that the cost of leaving was low; the cost of voicing your opinions and misgivings was considered too high; people were generally dissatisfied anyway; they lacked any hope that the situation would improve; they didn’t care about the organisation and they had attractive
alternatives awaiting them.

It is worth reminding ourselves that the framework is less about the consumer and more about the response or lack of response of those responsible for the provision of a good or service. Examinations of organisations that choose to pay little attention to the exit of its members show the usefulness of this framework. For instance, if leadership is aloof and the exit of people does little to hurt the leadership, collective action is found to be relatively less attractive, thus reducing the incentive for those who feel disenfranchised to organise themselves.[14] This category identifies the worst excesses of the public sector or other sectors that enjoy privileged status in society and who can “for a long time
ignore public opinion and all kinds of pressures.”[15]


This examination of the development and application of Hirschman’s theory of voice within his EVL presents an opportunity to apply the framework to a broader number of settings and contexts. Hirschman returned to his framework in 1993 and applied his EVL theory to the events leading to the collapse of the Berlin Wall.[16] On 3 October, 1989, the frontier of the Federal Democratic Republic of Germany (FDR) at Dresden had to be closed. Former members of the FDR, who had secured permits to travel to the west from FDR embassies in Poland, were being transported via the station in Dresden in sealed trains. Many East Germans hoped they could board the train in the station making their way to West Germany with the many other FDR citizens who had secured permits. The crowds of people grew so large that action had to be taken. Protesters shouted ‘we want out.’ When told to go home, they shouted back ‘we’re staying right here.’ A culture, which for many years had as its hallmark a people who departed ‘secretly, softly and silently,’ was now brought to its knees by a people who chose not to exit and to claim their voice. Private exit became public exit which in turn became public voice. Within days of claiming their right to stay and to give voice to their frustrations, delegations were received by the authorities and negotiations started. Commenting on the events Hirschman concludes,

‘The story that has been told here provides a welcome counterpoint: it essentially chronicles how many East Germans found the road back from exit and apathy to voice, from withdrawal and purely private reaction to public action’.[17]

This example not only shows the importance and adaptability of voice; it reveals that Hirschman’s framework can be applied to situations that extend beyond the rational sphere of the market place.

The use of varying degrees of voice to elicit change from within or without is dependent on one factor identified by Withey and Cooper in their longitudinal study on dissatisfied workers. Their observation was that the effectiveness of voice “is dependent on someone else responding to the behaviour.”[18] The time in which the people of the FDR found their voice coincided with a visit of the then Russian President, Michael Gorbachev. His more tolerant approach to revolutions in neighbouring communist countries supported the citizens in their belief that their voice might now be heard. This suggests that people who use voice do not do so just to be disruptive or cause difficulty; they act in the belief that things can get better. They believe that their voice can impact on those who are responsible for organisations that experience a decline.

Withey and Cooper’s study found that it is often people who have a well-developed internal locus of control that resort to voice (and exit). Those that are motivated by an external locus of control resort to other more passive methods when dealing with decline in an organisation.[19] This would seem to indicate that the most valuable members of an organisation in decline are those that give serious consideration to exiting or those that are most vocal. As a matter of fact, from an organisational point of view loyalty to exit can be more powerful than loyalty to the status quo. For this reason, encouraging voice and facilitating voice gives certain vitality to an organisation, as it is found to have a positive effect on the self-esteem of members and increases their identification with that group.[20]

Conversely, an organisation that quells, distorts, ignores, underestimates or patronises the voices of those that need to make themselves heard or the motivations of people who leave the organisation acts in an irresponsible manner. An organisation that acts with a collectivist mindset, taking little account of the needs of its membership by ignoring voice, creates a situation whereby the exit of its members heralds a further deterioration of that organisation, rather than an occasion to change, adapt and improve the organisation.

A recent study shows the importance of structures that facilitate voice in an organisation.[21] In a rather unusual research topic, the authors asked how structures within Benedictine Monasteries can provide insights to those undertaking Public Sector Reform (PSR). These reforms in the Public Sector have introduced a series of business-like incentives in moving from the concept of public welfare service to a culture of efficiency and economy. The researchers chose Benedictine Communities as a subject for their research; they believed that they are an archetype of public sector organisations as they have a lot in common in terms of purpose and self-conception. The major justification for the study, however, rests in the longevity of monasteries. Whereas fewer than 10% of companies listed in the United States were less than 83 years in existence and the oldest was 280 years old, Benedictine monasteries had an average life span of 463 years as of 2008.[22] The study investigates how the structures within the Benedictine communities have supported their longevity.

The new methodologies of PSR known as New Public Management (NMP) dwelt heavily on external rewards and incentives, whereas the governance of monasteries relied heavily on common value systems, members’ voices and external governance mechanisms. The role of the voice mechanism is to act as a check and balance against the overall governance structure in the monastery which facilities improving control, increasing loyalty and building trust within the community. “Monastic governance demonstrates that voice enhances good governance.”[23] The mechanisms of voice are not merely facilities for monks to have their individual voices heard but structures that ensure that internal agency problems are addressed in a systematic fashion. One practical way of supporting voice is allowing monks to elect their leader. Visitation Teams charged with the responsibility for external governance and periodic monitoring spend time less on the economic situation of the monastery and its various fields of activities and more on the communication structures and the relationship between monks and their superiors.

Participation in codetermination and voting is seen by the rule of the order as compensation for the life-time tenure of the monk. One finding that supports the wisdom of this approach is that a democratically elected abbot had fewer agency problems – “18% of the good but 40% of the poor abbots were outsiders from other monasteries.”[24] Furthermore, the members of the community can discipline the abbot and leadership team in the monastery, preventing fraudulent behaviour. These mechanisms are interpreted by the community as “gift exchanges” rather than disciplinary tools. In return for the life commitment of the monk, the community gift is a mechanism that allows the members voices to be heard within that community. This is an effective process for two reasons; firstly, the mechanism allows the monastery to adapt to agency problems as they arise; secondly, studies have found that in situations where internal motivation is high, the impositions of externally driven motivational incentives “can backfire and reduce the agents’ performance.”[25] Voice that works from within as a continuum is always more effective than voice from without for healthy governance. Voice from without always comes too late.[26] This is a characteristic not just of the Catholic Church but of the institutions of western society generally (one only has to think of recent bank collapses).


Loyalty is seen as the most underdeveloped aspect of Hirschman’s framework. Since his initial publication in 1970 much work has been committed to the role of loyalty within his framework. This study shows that loyalty is less an individual behavioural outcome and is more a factor that is highly motivational informing the dynamic between exit and voice[27]. It will show how loyalty, while being a highly motivational factor needs to make itself known in active concern for the organisation. If an organisation demands loyalty, this creates certain obligations for the organisation which will be explored in this section.

Hirschman’s initial understanding of loyalty suggests that he created loyalty as a filler concept that remained poorly developed.[28]  One reason why the concept was poorly developed was that loyalty for Hirschman was quite simply, brand loyalty.[29] Naming the concept while leaving it underdeveloped may be Hirschman’s way of saying that there are factors at play in the market that cannot be accounted for by rationality alone. One cannot understand the choices that people make without giving due consideration to internal motivations, which shed light on the complexities influencing and informing actions and choices.

The importance of internal motivation in the longevity and health of an organisation is discussed in the study of monastic governance by Inauen et al.  The loyalty of the members of the monastic community is rewarded by the presence of strong internal voice mechanisms. These internal voice mechanisms are manifest for example in voting rights and other mechanisms that facilitate discussion an resolution of crisis before they gather too much momentum. Overall these mechanisms act as “an appropriate design of values, which fosters social approval, makes individuals happier and affects their behaviour.”[30]

Randal’s (2001) work on loyalty discusses the differing nature of loyalty to a community and loyalty to a corporation[31]. This distinction is useful. In his conclusion of his work, Randels makes the point that some loyalties are more important than others. People, rather than deciding between being loyal or disloyal are often more focused on balancing competing ways of being loyal[32]. In the face of this an organisation has to clarify the object of loyalty that it is promoting. Organisations may be of the view that they deserve loyalty, however the loyalty of potential members is not to be presumed as potential members are all the time discerning and balancing their loyalties. An organisation therefore needs to be very clear as to whether its nature is more akin to a community or a corporation because there is an overlap between the image that an organisation presents and the discerning self interest of those whose loyalty they seek.  Organisations like the Irish Catholic Church may speak the language of community, but in the public eye and the eye of its members it may be perceived as an organisation that has more in common with a corporation. Research conducted by Shane Halpin, Director of Vocation and Mission for the Congregation of the Sacred Heart in Ireland, was carried out on two groups of young people, male and female, aged between 22 and 36, in June 2010. Halpin noted that it was starkly evident that there is a level of animosity, anger and hurt emanating from this cross- section of young people. From the outset “the option for a religious vocation in their minds is intrinsically linked to the Institution.”[33] This study shows that perceptions such as these impede attempts at renewal. While those who try to foster vocations return again and again to the promotion of the communitarian context of vocation, they have to address, first of all, the corporate image of the church that limits the impact of their attempts to recruit candidates for the ministerial priesthood.

The confused identity of a religious organisation vis-à-vis the state is not unique to Ireland. This study will now highlight how the involvement of the Spanish Catholic Church with the Spanish State and the enmeshment of Confucianism with the democratic government in Taiwan have adversely affected the membership of both these religious groupings. As regards the former, in exchange for giving legitimacy to the Spanish political system, the Spanish Church enjoyed a privileged status whereby it exercised a large degree of social control.[34] This is generally the case when a religion provides ideological justification for the state.[35] Rampant clericalism in Spain meant that the church shared a high degree of political power and control which resulted in a high degree of internal contradictions for the members of the Spanish Church.[36] Unbeknownst to itself, this tendency towards corporate identity created a neglect of the more fundamental elements of community which the Catholic Church promotes.

Aware of the growing problems within the church and the accompanying need to highlight its identity, the Spanish National Assembly of Bishops and Priests met in 1971 and decided to break the formal link between the Spanish Church and the Spanish State. Following on from this decision, the next decade registered the highest number of priest resignations and a very high falloff in sacramental practice rates.[37] The sense of corporate identity that the Spanish Church fostered during the reign of General Franco at the expense of the more important community-based identity contributed to this decline. A similar fate befell Confucianism in Taiwan. Following their expulsion from China, refugees set up new forms of government in their new homeland. The government, known as the KMT, trying to distinguish itself from the repressive political systems on the Chinese mainland, promoted Confucian values as ones which were supportive of democratic principles and practices. In later years, political reformers rejected Confucianism as it was seen to stand in the way of political progress. Referring to the impact of state legitimisation on Confucianism, Fetzer and Soper are of the view that the best hope for the future is that Confucianism would emerge without an overt political message and wholly independent of the state … Confucianisms’ social values could be promoted on the basis of their intrinsic values rather than their political usefulness…and should be used to judge the political practices of democratic and authoritarian regimes, not legitimate them.[38]

Taiwan and Spain are examples of  both demonstrate instances where, rather than promoting community values, religious organisations got caught up in corporate identities which proved to be a ‘poison pill’ for both faith groups. Their alliance with the state created identity problems. This is reflected in the findings of Inauen that monasteries had shorter life spans if they developed internal agency problems than monasteries that were closed down due to external factors such as the Reformation.[39]

This overview of faith based organisations in Spain and Taiwan identifies the importance of clarity around that to which people are asked to be faithful. Of particular importance for religious organisations is its interplay with the context within which it operates. For a dominant religion there are benefits when the political culture favours and endorses their particular belief system. However, becoming absorbed into the dominant political outlook may undermine the communitarian dimension of the religious organisation. This observation reflects the findings of Randels work quoted earlier in this section and underlines the significance of a corporate or communitarian identity.

Randal’s discussion on loyalty draws on the work of Philip Selznick[40] and Ronald Duska [41]. According to Selznick if an organisation has a dominant corporate identity wishes to foster a greater sense of community, it must hold out the hope of comprehensive interaction, commitments and responsibility that offer a degree of mutuality for the members of the aspiring community. In order to foster loyalty an environment must be created whereby a person develops a commitment to a cause that extends beyond them. To achieve this level of commitment and loyalty any organisation aspiring to be a community rather than a corporation has to contribute to the human fulfilment of its membership. This is not an easy challenge.

Regardless of how easy or difficult this challenge is as in all things a starting point is necessary. This study identified that a person lends their voice in the expectation that they will be heard, those that offer their loyalty similarly expect that there is an object to receive, acknowledge and respect their loyalty. Loyalty is not given lightly, a person or group choose to stay so they can influence things directly.[42] Duska’s hold the extreme view that loyalty to a corporation is ‘misguided’ and those who give their loyalty to a corporation are full of ‘foolish romanticisms’ is challenged by Randels’ standpoint. Randels’ view is ‘that a loyal person’s self-interest is tied up with that of the object of loyalty’, however we must remember that Randel’s make the distinction between loyalty given to a corporation and loyalty given to a community. Inauen’s research into Benedictine communities noted that in exchange for a monk’s commitment to the monastery, they are granted voting rights and have access to other mechanisms permitting them a say in the decisions affecting the life of the monastery, which is the object of their loyalty. This observation suggests that a starting point for re-visioning is the point where the self-interest of loyal parties and the interest of the organisation meet. The this for this is ‘gift exchange’. This is good for both parties involved, firstly because loyalty is not given easily and secondly it challenges those in receipt of loyalty not to act on the
presumption of loyalty. These two points are explored in turn.

Firstly, individuals and groups that give their loyalty to a cause do not give their loyalty too easily. The work of Selznik quoted earlier affirms this by saying that ultimately if a community is to foster the loyalty of members or aspiring members it must contribute to their human fulfilment. An assumption made by Withey and Cooper at the beginning of their work on Hirschman’s framework in the workplace suggested that a loyal person is “a passive person with strong ties to the current setting who thinks acting is costly and believes that things will get better on their own.”[43]

People who are loyal can’t afford to be passive. Withey and Cooper’s work found that their thesis with regard to the passivity of a loyal person was not supported by research. There are people who are passively loyal, but not every loyal person is passive. Their study concluded that passive loyalists were people who were experiencing “resignation and entrapment.” This is a complex state which needs to be addressed before re-visioning takes place. Witney and Cooper further admit that they neglected to examine more active indicators of loyalty, relying rather on Farrell’s notion of loyalty as “people who wait patiently, quietly do their job, and say nothing to others [44].” This category of person fits more with the category of neglect which is the fourth element of the framework explored in the next section. Even though loyalty can be observed in various outcomes, loyalty of itself cannot be reduced to behavioural outcomes alone. A loyal person wants to contribute to the improvement of an organisation. A loyal person’s commitment seeks an engagement with those to whom their loyalty is offered with a view to improving the organisation that is the object of their loyalty. Loyalty not passivity is “commitment without raising the question of usefulness.”[45]

This degree of commitment is open to abuse and betrayal by any organisation. Djupe’s work on the nature of loyalty states that loyalty, if it is to flourish, requires mutuality and reciprocity. If an individual (or an organisation), who in giving their loyalty freely and generously, fails to receive mutuality and reciprocity, can resort to the other elements of the framework: they can exit the organisation; they can give voice to their concerns; or, if they cannot exit because of a very high ‘exit tax,’ they can move towards a situation which can best be described as neglect.

Secondly, a loyal person is a very valuable asset, reinforced by the finding that choosing another organisation or institution with more favourable benefits is not an option for someone who adopts a loyal attitude towards the organisation to which they align themselves.[46] Knowing this, the organisation that is the object of a person’s loyalty can act in a presumptive manner towards that loyalty. Focusing on the exact nature of the person’s or group’s loyalty and the specific role of the organisation that one commits to (i.e., is it a corporation in community clothing?) will protect both parties, but particularly the person or group who offer their loyalty. Presumed loyalty is a preferred stance for those in leadership in corporate situations, as leaders are aware that they have to concede less when loyalty is present or presumed – in other words, when peoples’ loyalty is high their overall welfare can suffer.[47] If the organisation bases programmes on presumed loyalties rather than certain loyalties, the organisation is set to decline further. Neither can leadership presume that commitment to any one aspect of the organisation implies a commitment to the entire organisation, for loyalty cannot be segmented as it is pervasive and complex. Rather than condemning commitment as á la carte, leadership could begin to explore that to which people are committed to so that they can build on the elements of an organisation that are cultivating loyalty and commitment. A person who is loyally and actively committed to a part of the organisation is a better asset than someone who is passively loyal to the entire organisation.

Reflecting on the impact of the interplay between religion and politics in Spain and Taiwan provides valuable insights for an organisation like the Irish Catholic Church. Since the rise of nationalism in Ireland in the 1850s, the Catholic Church has been aligned with the nation-state project to varying degrees. The 1937 Irish Constitution held that the Catholic Church held a “special place,” thus embedding the Church in the national project. This “special place” was overturned in a constitutional referendum in 1972.

For the Catholic Church in Ireland, the observation made about the role of faith-based communities in Spain and Taiwan raises the need to revaluate core missions, identity and common value systems. Like the Catholic Church in Spain and Confucianism in Taiwan, the Irish Catholic Church has close associations with the emergence of the Irish Nation. While leadership may promote a community based model, the perception might be that the church is just another faceless corporation that is not deserving of loyalty.

When a religion contracts an alliance like this … it sacrifices the future with a view to the present, and in obtaining a power that is not due to it, it risks legitimate power … Religion, therefore cannot share the material force of those who govern without being burdened with a part of the hatreds to which they give rise.[48]


A study of human relationships undertaken by Rusbult et al has identified a possible fourth dimension to Hirschman’s theoretical framework.[49] This fourth category, which they called neglect, is summarised as a stance that allows a relationship to decline further. At times, it can be hard to distinguish between neglect and the type of passive loyalty discussed in the last section, as both are decisions to remain inactive when decline sets in. In terms of relationships, neglect is manifest as ignoring, refusing, criticizing and “just letting things fall apart.” When EVLN is applied to job satisfaction, neglect “is passively allowing conditions to deteriorate through reduced interest or effort, chronic lateness or absences, using company time for personal business, or increased error rate.”[50]

Neglect is stronger than passive loyalty as it refuses to act in a manner that fosters recovery in the relationship or the workplace whereas passive loyalty refers to a situation where people think things will get better if they wait around long enough.[51]

From an objective point of view, it may be difficult for those trying to manage a declining organisation to identify if those affected by the decline are taking a position that reflects neglect, or if people are stuck in passive loyalty in the hope that things will improve, or more worryingly if the members of the organisation are experiencing resignation or entrapment. One solution to this dilemma is to offer a range of alternatives that will encourage ‘shaping up or shipping out.’


As Hirschman’s framework developed and was applied to various different situations those who used his framework noted factors that influenced outcomes. These factors can be applied to a variety of situations when addressing a decline in organisations or relationships. Studies that identified these factors often overlapped in their findings, giving certain credibility to the role of the factor in the framework. For the
purposes of this study, the factors will be categorised under three headings:
factors that relate to the action itself; factors that are environmental; and
factors that relate to the individual or group.[52]

Factors Relating to the Action

The first factor is the cost of action. Sometimes there may be a cost to exiting. One may not want to emigrate because of ties to family or leave a job because of costs associated with relocation. Another person may have built up specialised skills that are not transferable. A person may stay in an abusive relationship because they have little or no means of support if they leave the household. These costs count as an ‘exit tax.’ They are costs that have to be taken into consideration before a decision to exit is made. Comparing the numbers of priests who left priesthood in the USA and Spain, Vilaniño and Tizón are of the opinion that “During the sixties and seventies Spanish priests … were more likely to continue in ministry.” [53] They believe that his was due to the high value that the culture placed on
priesthood in Spain, thus creating higher cost to the person if they resigned from priesthood. The high cost of exit was calculated in terms of the loss of social standing in the community.

Voice also has costs. Some of these costs may come in the form of penalties like retaliation, loss of reputation and further emotional costs of confronting people with power.[54] Voice has costs that sometimes have to be set against the cost of loyalty and exit. If it is a question of being unhappy with a product in the supermarket, it may be more effective to just switch to the next brand on the shelf, as voicing a complaint might be too costly in terms of time and procedures. Exit costs from an organisation like a political party or a religion may be higher. Kato (2000) discovered that people who exited political parties in Japan increased the use of voice prior to exit [55]. Generally speaking, people will prefer to act when the cost of their action is low and when the action benefits the setting or the individual. People will avoid action if they deem that action to be costly or pointless.

The next factor is the efficacy of the action. People will only invest in an action that they feel is worthwhile; the person believes that there is a strong possibility of improving the situation and they hold the belief that actions matter.

Factors Relating to the Environment Where the Action Takes Place

The first factor in this section is the attractiveness of the setting in which
the actions occurs
. This factor is affected by the quality of alternatives available and the commitment that one has to the organisation at the point when the action occurs. When there is high satisfaction regarding the attractiveness of the setting, loyalty is likely to be high. Knowing that alternatives are on offer, a person chooses to remain loyal to an attractive setting which in turn “makes it likely that voice will be heard and that reduces the risk of exit.”[56] This is precisely what happened on the station platform in Dresden. Knowing they had the option to leave, people chose to stay, committing themselves to necessary change.

The second factor is the presence of an environment that is fulfilling. Where an environment is fulfilling (i.e., it contributes to human fulfilment), there is a high degree of loyalty and very little exit. To sustain this environment it is important to create partnerships where the loyalty of the participants is respected. This respect further enhances an organisations recovery and growth. Inauen’s study on governance in monastic communities revealed that partnership was sustained through ‘gift exchanges’ such as voting rights and codetermination which was supported in the governance structures of the monastery. These factors show that loyalty is a quality that underlies and informs environment. It influences behaviour rather than being a variable or factor of itself.[57]Djupe’s concludes that loyalty has an important part to play in the stability of an organisation. While Barry highlights the link between loyalty and behaviour, Djupe understands loyalty as an ordering principle within an organisation.[58] Any organisation attending trying to reverse a decline would benefit greatly form an ordering principle that would serve to give direction and foster commitment.

The third factor in this section is the level of job satisfaction prior to the
problem or decline occurring
. Where one is setting about addressing decline in an organisation, memories of happier times in that organisation will act as a stimulus for engagement with the task. Strong, happy memories inhibit exit and neglect and encourage voice and loyalty. In situations where there is little previous experience of job satisfaction prior to the problem arising exit will be in greater evidence. Withey and Cooper’s longitudinal research found that happy memories of better times promote recovery when an organisation experiences decline However “when no such basis for hope exists we expect that people won’t work to improve things, choosing instead to withdraw into neglect and/or exit.”[59]

Factors Relating to the Individual or to the Individual within a Group

The first factor in this section is locus of control. There is a distinction
between those that are highly internally motivated and those that rely of an
external locus of control. Findings by Withey and Cooper show that in a
declining organisation there are those “who think that somebody should do
something but are not willing to do it themselves.”[60] One could not attribute high internal motivation to this cohort. In summary, people who hold a strong internal locus of control believe their actions can make a difference; those who hold an external locus of control tend to believe that their actions don’t matter. Inauen believes that one of the reasons why monasteries have such a long life span when compared to businesses and
organisations is that they managed by strong internal mechanisms. External monitoring serves to support these internal mechanisms; they do not seek to override or overrule them.[61] This has particular relevance when one is acting to support a declining organisation. When internal motivation is high there is a danger that external controls can back fire and reduce the agent’s performance and compliance. If an organisation tries to address a decline by increased bureaucracy and external monitoring they can actually contribute to a more rapid decline as they reduce the performance and loyalty of their best members. “Control and supervisory institutions … are more likely to signal neutral or even ‘unfriendly’ intentions in the sense that these might signal distrust or insinuate the
selfish nature of the employee.”[62]

The level of investment that a person has in a situation that is experiencing decline will affect their choices. Investment is not just economic investment; it is a person’s social and psychological investment as well. People, as individuals or as members of groups who have high investment stakes in an organisation, encourage strong voice and conditions of high satisfaction. High investments create increased voice and loyalty, low stakes encourages exit and neglect. Among the topics that come under the title of investments are the following: housing that is close to the place of work; pension benefits; relationships with colleagues; relationships with supervisors and familiarity with the job. In summary, investments imply that a person has put something of themselves into their position or their organisation. This is a considerable advantage that Hirschman’s framework holds over statistical sources of information as “many of the econometric models suffer from specification errors, such as failure to allow for endogeneity, which makes results difficult to interpret.”[63] Dowding’s study refers to an economic model showing how levels of investment affect decisions. The revival of the Rover Car Company could be explained by a reaction to the exit of customers created by the presence of increased competition; however, the main impetus for change came from pressure from shareholders, suppliers and banks. Unlike customers, they could not exit; they had high investments in the company and subsequently they had to make it work.

Another factor that affects the way a person engages with the framework is length of service. This is a self-explanatory factor. A person with many years of service is less likely to exit (quit) from a post. In the study of clergy exits in the United States for the years before 1975, it was found that “virtually all resignations occur during the first twenty-four years of ministry and virtually all retirements after that.”[64] The conclusion from this is that length of service reduced the number of resignations as the majority of exits after twenty-five years of ordination “take place only because of retirement or death.”[65]

Another important factor is the heterogeneity of the group. There is a distinct difference between the value an individual within a group may place on certain aspects of the framework and the value attached by the collective voice of that group.[66] Ultimately, this will test the ability of leadership to discriminate by putting different polices in place for different members or different groups within the larger group. In an Irish Catholic Church setting, this may take the form of establishing polices for clergy as part of the process of revitalisation.

Finally, a factor that influences engagement within the framework is what is termed identification with the role. This is a particularly strong factor in community and religiously based enterprises. Strong identification with a role inhibits exit from an organisation. A person who exhibits strong identity to a religious organisation also exhibits a strong identity with other institutions of society.[67] Djupe’s study reveals a general decline in brand loyalties, whether these loyalties are to relationships, or to religious or political organisations. Recent work by Putnam and Campbell highlight the interrelatedness of political and religious brand loyalty in the United States.[68] While this may be the case, one cannot ignore the growth in ‘the politics of identity’ where demands for social inclusion, traditionally made on the basis of redistribution are now more often made on the basis of recognition. Despite difference in gender, sexual orientation and more frequently religion, individual and groups are being asked to be recognised as a moral equal despite difference.[69] Loyalty to a group or organisation, which was a large part of society in the past, cannot automatically be assumed to provide for the identity and needs of individuals as they arise today. For anyone addressing the needs of a declining organisation, the presumption that loyalty to a brand and identity are one and the same would be acting on a false assumption. The evidence suggests that the
growth of mega churches has a clear connection with the decline of religious brand loyalties.[70]


On Tuesday, 21September, 2010,in a “Rite and Reason” article entitled “Empty Pews Might Make the Powers That Be Think Again,” the following line appeared in the Irish newspaper, The Irish Times:

‘It seemed there were organisations and people protesting all over the place, and the idea came to me of a boycott of Mass for one Sunday (26th of September) to draw all these voices together.’

These were the words of Jennifer Sleeman, who felt that a boycott of Sunday Masses would bring attention to issues in the Church that needed an airing. Believing this, she orchestrated a campaign requesting people not to attend mass on Sunday, 26 September, in the hope that empty pews would send a message to “the powers that be.”

In terms of Hirschman’s framework, Sleeman was asking people to resort to exit to bring attention to voice. However, she underestimated loyalty to that which she asked people to boycott, namely, the Sunday Eucharist. Hirschman’s earliest work noted that loyalty held exit at bay; the general church-going public felt that loyalty to the Sunday Eucharist, which is a core element of a person’s faith and a mark of belonging, was more important than a campaign. This is one event in the wake of The Murphy Report that Hirschman’s framework provides some enlightenment and scope for further discussion.

On Monday, 17 January, the religious affairs programme, Would You Believe, gave airing on Irish national television to a letter from the Vatican relating to the management of child sexual abuse. During the programme, reference was made to a Bishop who threatened to resign if Rome insisted on overturning a decision made by the diocese to laicise a priest who was judged to be guilty of Child Sexual Abuse offences.  Hirschman’s framework tells us that that voice is at its strongest at the point of exit. The threat of the bishop to resign (exit) strengthened his voice. In dealing with the fallout from the report, a number of bishops were ‘stepped down’ from service within the Archdiocese of Dublin, and others were asked to step down. Hirschman’s framework shows people are often ‘exited’ to quell voice and protest.

Soon after the publication of The Murphy Report, a website was set up to communicate information regarding defections from the Catholic Church;[71]The website reports that 12,007 people have completed the defection form. By the time the reader has digested these facts a pop-up box appears on the screen informing the viewer that process of defection has been stalled due to a change in Canon Law. Could it be that giving voice to exit is not desirable and if people are going, if they are leaving the church, they leave, ‘secretly, softly, silently’, in an orderly fashion?

Is it that most people have just moved into neglect rather than defection? Neglect implies that people don’t work on the relationships that sustain; they ignore, refuse, criticize and ‘just let things fall apart.’ Or are they just passively loyal waiting for a reason to engage again? One could discuss any of the narratives that occurred after the publication of the Murphy and Ryan reports in the context of Hirschman’s framework. However, the key question for this discussion is how the framework helps the Irish Catholic Church address the present decline that it is experiencing. The marked decline in what could be termed the traditional indicators of organisational well-being is a signal that action is needed. The drop in vocations to the priesthood; the shortfall in priests; the reduced numbers in the pews; the inability of sacramental programmes to generate commitment to life within the Church; and the failure to be involved in the ‘corporal works of mercy’ due to decreasing numbers of religious sisters and brothers.

The main purpose of exit and voice is to send a signal to the organisation that change is needed and adjustments have to be made. This study has shown that in certain settings, nothing registers with leaders and with those whose position it is to respond to signals as they emerge. Those whose position and status is protected can ignore public opinion and all kinds of pressures ad infinitum. Healthy internal mechanisms are both necessary for an organisation and are important for the voice of its membership. This study has shown that voice is not merely a voice for individuals who want to get things off their chest but also for structures of communication that promote healthy governance. Healthy voice mechanisms reduce exit; they also acts as an early warning system “where reconstruction and reform could be instigated prior to a crisis.”[72]

At this juncture in the decline of the Irish Catholic Church we are in a very dangerous position. To offset the decline, the Church is immersing itself in a range of activities to support its corporate identity – trusteeships, trusts, charitable status – the list goes on and the list can be justified. This paper shows how the corporate appearance of religious bodies and organisations such as the Catholic Church in Spain and Confucianism in Taiwan has contributed to their downfall. While it may be necessary to create governance structures, the community dimension of religious bodies and organisations cannot be neglected.  To paraphrase and adapt the aforementioned reference by Fetzer and Soper to Confucianism in Taiwan: the best hope is that the Irish Catholic church will emerge without an overt political message and wholly independent of the state. Irish Catholic Social values will be promoted on the basis of their intrinsic values rather than their political usefulness…and will be used to judge the political practices of democratic and authoritarian regimes, not legitimate them.[73]

If the Irish Catholic Church is to protect itself from further decline, it is necessary to sever itself from a corporate identity and commit to reconceptualising itself as radical community. For those that offer their loyalty, they deserve greater direction; they deserve, as Selznick says, the hope of comprehensive interaction, commitments and responsibility that fosters mutuality and respect among members of this aspiring community.


This study set out to show that it was possible to find a framework that can shed light on the many events resulting from the fallout from the Ryan and Murphy reports. The study outlined the limitations of frameworks that are empirical and frameworks that are purely propositional. Empirical findings produce a series of data outputs that give little scope to examine the context and nuances associated with any examination of human behaviour and the subsequent impact on society. Similarly, propositional approaches sometimes referred to as ‘Grand Theories,’ can overlook context and nuances from an entirely different perspective to that of the empirical approaches. The complexities of the fallout from the Ryan and Murphy reports demand a wide-ranging framework that can analyse the range of possible outcomes. A framework allowing a mid-range approach is more desirable for an organisation that is trying to find a way forward while its primary narrative is that of decline.

This study shows that the framework initially proposed by Albert O. Hirschman in 1970, which has been amended and adapted by many other contributors, fits comfortably within the design of a mid-range framework. The dynamic of Exit, Voice and Loyalty and the later addition of ‘Neglect’ allow one to stand within the various responses and reactions that have occurred. Standing within the flow of narratives gives us the ability to examine the myriad of effects resulting from the fallout while walking among them. Attempting to find primary causes (which usually resort to blame) serves to inhibit or even halt the re-visioning of the Irish Catholic Church.

* Rev. Alan Hilliard
is a priest of the Archdiocese of Dublin. He has a long and varied association
with migration. In 2000 he set up a pastoral centre for Irish Backpackers in
Sydney. He was later appointed Director of the Irish Bishop’s Commission for
Emigrants and the Irish Commission for Prisoner’s Overseas. The work involved
the coordination of emigrant services in Great Britain, Australia, United
States and support services for Irish prisoners across the world.  He led
campaigns to highlight the plight of the ‘Forgotten Irish’ in Britain and he
canvassed for immigration reform in the United States on behalf of the
‘Undocumented Irish’. Since taking up the post as coordinator of the NOSTRA
programme at the Department of Theology and Religious Studies at Mary
immaculate College, Limerick he has co-founded the Mid-West Interfaith Network.
He recently completed a M Soc Sc (Applied Social Policy) by Major Research in
at UCD, entitled Mind the Gap: Social Cohesion, Migration and Integration.

[1] Comments made on the 5th
of February 2011 at a mass for a Liturgy seminar where the Archbishop estimated
that the practise rate in the Archdiocese of Dublin stands at 20%.

N. Sorrels, “Germans Leaving Catholic Church in
Droves,” National Catholic Reporter  12th April 2011.

[3] G. Bouma, Australian
(Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2006) 172.

[4] Pastoral Constitution On
The Church In The Modern World — Gaudium et Spes
by Pope Paul VI. [Vatican City]: 1965, 34. Web.20 June 2011.,

[5] F. Scott Fitzgerald, quoted by
R. N. Foster and S. Kaplan, “Survival and Performance in the  Era of Discontinuity,” in W. W. Burke D. G. Lake
and J. W. Paine (eds.), Organisation
Change: A Comprehensive Reader
(San Francisco, CA: John Wiley & Sons,
2009) 49.

[6] Harvard: Harvard University
Press, 1970.

[7] See T. Flew, “The Citizen’s Voice: Albert Hirschman’s Exit Voice and Loyalty and Its
Contribution to Media Citizenship Debates,” Media,
Culture & Society
31/6 (2009) 977-994, at 979.

[8] Hirschman, Exit, Voice and Loyalty, 1.

[9] C. O. Christiansen, “Lost in Translation: Bringing Hirschman’s Concept of
Voice Back into the Spirit of Capitalism,” Management
& Organisational History
5/1 (2010) 19-35.

[10] A. Hess, “‘The Economy of Morals and Its Applications’: An Attempt to Understand
Some Central Concepts in the Work of Albert O. Hirschman,” Review of International Political Economy 6/3 (1999) 338-59, at

[11] Ibid., 354. Hess refers to two
concepts developed by Hirschman that enhance his middle-Range approach. These
are “nibbling” and “possibilism.” Nibbling helps to avoid the futile attempt to
look for and apply a generally valid solution noting that solutions differ for
different societies at different times and in varying circumstances.
“Possiblilism” refers to the possibility of creating time and space to allow
more time for thinking and acting in complex situations.

[12] B. Barry, “Review Article: Exit, Voice and Loyalty,” British Journal of Political Science 4/1
(1974) 79-107, at 91.

[13] See M. J. Withey and W. H.
Cooper, “Predicting Exit, Voice, Loyalty and Neglect,” Administrative Science Quarterly, 34 (1989) 521-539.

[14] S. Gehlbach, “A
Formal Model of Exit and Voice,” Rationality
Society 18/4 (2006)395-418, at 402.

[15] J. P. Vilaniño and J. L. S. Tizón, “The Demographic Transition of the Catholic
Priesthood and the End of Clericalism in Spain,” Sociology of Religion 59/1 (1998) 25-35, at 34.

[16] A. O. Hirschman, “Exit, Voice, and the Fate of the German Democratic
Republic: An Essay in Conceptual History,” World
45/2 (1993) 173-202.

[17] Ibid., 201.

[18] Withey and Cooper, “Predicting
Exit, Voice, Loyalty and Neglect,” 535.

[19] Ibid., 524.

[20] K. Dowding, P. John, T. Mergoupis and M. Van Vugt, “Exit, Voice and
Loyalty: Analythical and Empirical Developments,” European Journal of Political Research 37/4 (2000) 469-495, at 492.
This work is particularly significant as his research conducts a
comprehensive review of Hirschman’s theory and its application to conceptual
and empirical fields.

[21] E. Inauen, K. Rost, B. S. Frey, F. Homberg and M. Osterloh, “Monastic
Governance: Forgotten Prospects for Public Institutions,” The American Review of Public Administration 40 (2010) 631-653.

[22] Ibid., 638.

[23] Ibid., 642.

[24] Ibid., 637.

[25] Ibid., 635, citing a study by B.S. Fray, and M. Benz, (2004). From
Imperialism to Inspiration: A Survy of Economics and Psychology. In J.B. Davis,
A. Marciano, & J. Runde (eds.) in The
Elgar Companion to Economics and Philosophy
, Cornwall, UK:Edward Elgar

[26] Christiansen, “Lost in Translation: Bringing Hirschman’s Concept of
Voice Back into the Spirit of Capitalism,” 31.

[27] Dowding, John, Mergoupis and Van Vugt, “Exit, Voice and Loyalty: Analythical and
Empirical Developments,” European Journal
of Political Research
37/4 (2000). Dowding et al. refer to the expansive
work of Henri Tajfel on intergroup relationships and social class. H. Tajfel, “Social Psychology of Intergroup Relationships’’, Annual Review of Psychology 33:1-39

[28] Withey and Cooper, “Predicting
Exit, Voice, Loyalty and Neglect,” 522.

[29] Barry, “Review Article: Exit, Voice and
,” 79-107.

[30] Inauen, Rost,
Frey, Homberg and Osterloh, “Monastic Governance: Forgotten Prospects for
Public Institutions,” 636. This
conclusion is based on the work of E. Fehr and A. Falk, “Psychological
Foundations of Incentives,” European
Economic Review
46, 687-724, and “On the nature of Fair Behaviour,” Economic Inquiry, 41, 20-26.

[31] G. D. Randels, Jr., “Loyalty,
Corporations and Community,” Business
Ethics Quarterly
11(2001) 27-39.

[32] Ibid, 36.

[33] S. Halpin, “Religious Vocations in Ireland: The Church, Not God, Is the
Problem,” The Furrow 62/3 (2011) 155.

[34] Vilaniño and
Tizón, “The Demographic Transition of the Catholic Priesthood and the End of
Clericalism in Spain,” 25-35.

[35] J. S. Fetzer and J. C. Soper, “Confucian Values and Elite Support for Liberal
Democracy in Taiwan: The Perils of Priestly Religion,” Politics and Religion 3 (2010) 495-517, at 498.

[36] Vilaniño and
Tizón, “The Demographic Transition of the Catholic Priesthood and the End of
Clericalism in Spain,” 31.

[37] Ibid., 27.

[38] Fetzer and
Soper, “Confucian Values and Elite Support for Liberal Democracy in Taiwan: The
Perils of Priestly Religion,” 512.

[39] Inauen, Rost,
Frey, Homberg and Osterloh, “Monastic Governance: Forgotten Prospects for
Public Institutions,” 638.

[40] G. D. Randels, Jr., “Loyalty,
Corporations and Community,” Business
Ethics Quarterly
11(2001) 29. P. Selznick, The Moral Commonwealth: Social Theory and
the Promise of Community
. (Berkeley: University of California Press 1992)

[41] Ibbid., 35.R. Duska,
Whistleblowing and Employee Loyalty in
J.R. Des Jardins and J. McCall (eds.), Contemporary Issues in Business Ethics, 2nd ed.,
(Belmont CF: Wadsworth, 1990) 142-146. Reprinted in T.I. White (ed.) Business
Ethics: A Philosophical Reader, (New York : Macmillan, 1993) 551-556.

[42] Christiansen, “Lost in Translation: Bringing Hirschman’s Concept of
Voice Back into the Spirit of Capitalism,” 22.

[43] Withey and Cooper, “Predicting
Exit, Voice, Loyalty and Neglect,” 525.

[44] Farrell applied the Hirschman
framework to satisfaction in the workplace. D. Farrell ‘’Exit, Voice, Loyalty
and Neglect as responses to job dissatisfaction: A multi-dimensional scaling
study’’, Academy of Management Journal,
(1983) 596-607.

[45] P. A. Djupe, “Religious Brand Loyalty and Political Loyalties,” Journal for the Scientific Study of Religion

39/1 (2000) 78-89, at 79.

[46] Ibid.

[47] Gehlbach, “A
Formal Model of Exit and Voice,” 397.

[48] Alexis de Tocqueville, quoted by Fetzer and Soper, “Confucian
Values and Elite Support for Liberal Democracy in Taiwan: The Perils of
Priestly Religion,” 512-513.

[49] C. E. Rusbult, D. Farrell, G. Rogers, A. G. Mainous III, “Impact of Exchange
Variables on Exit, Voice, Loyalty, and Neglect: An Integrative Model of
Responses to Declining Job Satisfaction,” The
Academy of Management Journal
31/3 (1988) 599-627.

[50] Ibid., 601.

[51] Withey and Cooper, “Predicting
Exit, Voice, Loyalty and Neglect,” 522.

[52] This section draws particularly
on the findings of the following works: Withey and Cooper, “Predicting Exit,
Voice, Loyalty and Neglect,” 521-539; Inauen,
Rost, Frey, Homberg and Osterloh, “Monastic Governance: Forgotten Prospects for
Public Institutions,” 631-653; Rusbult, Farrell, Rogers and Mainous III,
“Impact of Exchange Variables on Exit, Voice, Loyalty, and Neglect: An
Integrative Model of Responses to Declining Job Satisfaction,” 599-627; and C.
E. Rusbult, I. M. Zembrodt, L. K. Gunn, “Exit, Voice, Loyalty and Neglect:
Responses to Dissatisfaction in Romantic Involvements,” Journal of Personality and Social Psychology 43/6 (1982) 1230-1242.

[53] Vilaniño and
Tizón, “The Demographic Transition of the Catholic Priesthood and the End of
Clericalism in Spain,” 28.

[54] Withey and Cooper, “Predicting
Exit, Voice, Loyalty and Neglect,” 523.

[55] J. Kato, “When the Party Breaks
Up: Exit and Voice among Japanese Legislators.” The American Political Science Review 92/4 (1998) 857-870

[56] Hess, “‘The Economy of Morals and Its Applications’: An Attempt to Understand
Some Central Concepts in the Work of Albert O. Hirschman,” 346.

[57] Barry, “Review Article: Exit, Voice and
,” 79-107.

[58] Djupe,
“Religious Brand Loyalty and Political Loyalties,” 78-89.

[59] Withey and Cooper, “Predicting
Exit, Voice, Loyalty and Neglect,” 523.

[60] Ibid., 535.

[61] Inauen, Rost,
Frey, Homberg and Osterloh, “Monastic Governance: Forgotten Prospects for
Public Institutions,” 633.

[62] Ibid., 636.

[63] Dowding, John, Mergoupis and Van Vugt, “Exit, Voice and Loyalty:
Analythical and Empirical Developments,” 486.

[64] R. A. Schoenherr and A. Sorenson, “Social Change in Religious Organisations:
Consequences in Clergy Decline in the U.S. Catholic Church,” Sociological Analysis 43/1 (Spring 1982)
23-52, at 40.

[65] Ibid.

[66] Gehlbach, “A
Formal Model of Exit and Voice,” 411.

[67] Djupe,
“Religious Brand Loyalty and Political Loyalties,” 78-89.

[68] R. D. Putnam and D. E. Campbell, American
Grace: How Religion Unites and Divides Us
(New York: Simon and Schuster,

[69] M. R. Somers,Genealogies of Citizenship (Cambridge:
Cambridge University Press, 2008) 17.

[70] See Djupe, “Religious Brand Loyalty and Political Loyalties,” 78-89; and
Putnam and Campbell, American Grace: How Religion
Unites and Divides Us

[72] Hess, “‘The Economy of Morals and Its Applications,’” 345.

[73] See n. 36 above; also Fetzer and Soper, “Confucian Values and Elite Support
for Liberal Democracy in Taiwan: The Perils of Priestly Religion,” 512.

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